‘The depth of the mud in the trenches into which the unsteady duckboards might precipitate you, the corpses, the size of the rats or the numbers of lice – these are now just travellers’ tales or reminiscences of “old boys”… I am never likely to forget, however, the painful experience of seeing young soldiers who had been broken by anxiety and run from their duty, being shot at dawn’
JR Rees (1890 to 1969[1]) was born in Leicester on 25 June 1890[2]. He was the fourth of the seven children[3] of the Rev. Robert Montgomery Rees[4] a Wesleyan Methodist Minister[5],[6]. His father’s calling meant that JR Rees grew up in a rather puritanical environment[7]. As well as this every three years the family moved from manse to manse[8] and the children from school to school[9].
JR started school in Leeds, but then got a scholarship to Bradford Grammar School[10],[11],[12]. After this he went to King’s College, Cambridge[13],[14],[15] in 1908[16] to read the Natural Sciences and Medicine[17],[18]. At Cambridge his education was supervised by the eminent physiologist Joseph Barcroft[19], best known for his studies on the oxygenation of blood. In 1911 JR Rees got his MBA in the Natural Sciences and passed the preclinical stage of the degree in medicine[20]. He then went to the London Hospital[21] in Whitechapel, which at that time was the largest of London’s 12 teaching hospitals, and undertook his clinical training, qualifying to practice medicine in March 1914[22],[23]. After qualifying JR Rees took a series of locum positions as there were not enough resident internships to go around at teaching hospitals[24]. He worked at two GPs[25] before obtaining a locum post at the Victoria Park Chest Hospital[26][27], where Rees’s interest in public health was stimulated through the social aspects of tuberculosis[28],[29]. Then just before the outbreak of World War 1 he got an appointment as house physician at the London Hospital[30].
JR Rees wanted to volunteer, but the chair of the hospital, Lord Knutsford, was so tired of losing staff that Rees was told that if anyone else left to join the army they would ‘never get a job again on the intern staff of the London’[31].
A week or two later JR Rees met Philip Baker, an Olympic athlete who he knew at Cambridge[32]. Baker was taking a unit of Quakers to France with the Friends Ambulance Service and persuaded Rees to ask permission to come with them as medical officer for six weeks[33]. This time he got the reply, ‘Of course my boy, that’s quite alright – six weeks. You go and good luck to you.’[34]
Thus in October 1914 JR Rees headed overseas[35] with the Friends’ Ambulance Unit[36],[37],[38]. Arriving at Dunkirk[39] his initiation to war was finding hundreds of wounded French soldiers from the Battle of Ypres lying on stretchers in the goods sheds of the harbour[40]. He and three other surgeons tended to them, turning the docks office into a makeshift surgical theatre[41].
A few days later they received notice that a Belgian village near Ypres had many wounded civilians who needed to be cleared out[42]. They got to work, stretchering out the wounded at night and while there they discovered that in Ypres itself, which was being systematically shelled, there were many wounded civilians, including children[43]. His team then took over an abandoned mental hospital and ran it as a hospital for wounded civilians[44]. JR Rees then discovered the first signs of what proved to be one of the largest typhoid epidemics in history[45] and began a campaign of mass inoculation[46]. By the time he left he was wearing a Belgian ribbon[47], a decoration for his work among civilians[48],[49].
By late spring 1915 it became obvious that the war was not going to be over by Christmas. JR Rees transferred to the Royal Army Medical Corps[50],[51]. He returned to England to train and found, with some amusement, that with his ribbon from Ypres he was already considered a veteran[52].
He returned to France in 1915[53] as a regimental Medical Officer[54],[55], first with a field ambulance and then to a battalion[56], which was posted to the Somme[57]. As the fighting began to become serious he was transferred to an overburdened casualty clearing station[58].
JR Rees described the mud in the trenches, the unsteady duckboards, the corpses, rats and lice as mere ‘travelers’ tales’[59]. What affected him, however, was ‘seeing young soldiers, who had been broken by anxiety and run from their duty, being shot at dawn’[60], a proceeding in which he as Medical Officer had to take part.
Eventually it was the after-effects of the lice that caught up with him and he was invalided[61],[62] home with a case of trench fever[63]. By good luck he ended up in the officer’s ward of the London and on days when he was not suffering to badly with fever, was allowed to carry on with his medical experience as resident doctor[64]. On discharge from hospital he was put in charge of training new medical officers at the Army Medical Depot[65].
Later in the war Rees was posted to Mesopotamia[66],[67] in charge of a motor ambulance unit[68],[69]. He then accompanied a special force to North Persia to prevent the Bolshevik Army in the Caucus from getting across the Caspian Sea to Afghanistan[70]. He was de-mobbed with the rank of Captain[71] in 1919[72].
JR Rees came back to England with amoebic dysentery, Bhagdad boils and a self-inflicted broken neck, but was otherwise in good shape[73]. He felt that the war had forced him to grow up emotionally and that he had seen both ‘the right and the wrong use of authority in the Army’[74], an experience that would stand him in good stead later in his life.
Back in London after the war, JR Rees found himself a resident position back at the London Hospital[75] where he was able to get the experience that he should have had before going to France. He also went to University College London and took the Cambridge Diploma in Public Health[76],[77]. In 1920 a meeting with Hugh Crichton-Miller changed the course of Rees’s life[78],[79].
A colleague of Rees asked him a question about a psychiatric problem about ‘two men in trouble’[80]. Rees had no idea, as psychiatry had been completely lacking from his training[81], so he went to Bowden House, Hugh Crichton-Miller’s revolutionary nursing home for psychotherapy[82]. At Bowden House JR Rees was given useful and practical advice[83] by Hugh Crichton-Miller and perhaps because they were both ‘sons of the manse[84]’ an immediate connection was made. JR Rees also met one of Miller’s assistants, Dr Mary Hemmingway[85].
A few months later, when Dr Hemingway returned to Edinburgh to work for her higher qualifications of MB and Ch.B, Hugh Crichton-Miller got in touch with Rees and asked him if he would do a locum at Bowden House[86]. In spite of having no knowledge of psychiatry or psychoanalysis Rees accepted and undertook personal training and supervision from Hugh Crichton-Miller[87], who passed on his experience using the ‘new psychology’ in the treatment of war neuroses.
After he had finished as locum Rees stayed on at Bowden House part-time and got to know Dr Hemmingway better[88]. They were married in 1921[89],[90],[91].
JR Rees remained at Bowden House for seven years becoming Hugh Crichton-Miller’s deputy and then later the medical director[92],[93]. Rees continued his training by working as a clinical assistant in the neurological outpatient department of the West End Hospital[94]. He took postgraduate training at the National Hospital Queen Square[95],[96],[97] and attended lectures and demonstrations at Bethlem Royal Hospital[98][99]. He also undertook a training analysis[100] with Maurice Nichol, who had been a pupil of Jung[101].
In September 1920 Hugh Crichton-Miller opened the Tavistock Clinic, and JR Rees and Mary Hemmingway were two of the seven staff to join him in this new venture[102]. The first patient was a child and was seen by Dr EA Hamilton-Pearson[103]. Dr Mary Hemmingway saw the first adult patient[104].
Hugh Crichton-Miller’s original idea was that the Tavistock Clinic would run for two or three years on a limited budget to stimulate interest in its services, which might then be taken over by outpatient clinics in general hospitals[105]. This never happened.
In the first year of its life, with seven doctors, the Tavistock Clinic saw 2,400 patients[106]. By 1939 there were 90 doctors[107] and in the first half of 1939 the Adults Department on its on saw 26,500 patients[108]. JR Rees played a key part in making this expansion happen.
The Tavistock Clinic was initially based at 51 Tavistock Square, from which it took its name[109],[110]. It was a four story terraced house on the south side of the square. It had a number of small rooms that were used for consulting and a large drawing room on the first floor, which was initially used for staff meetings[111].
From the outset, the Tavistock Clinic had both an adult and a children’s department[112]. The establishment of the clinic ten years before the Mental Treatment Act of 1930 ushered in a new era of psychiatry, was groundbreaking[113]. Establishing a children’s department some seven years before the first child guidance clinic[114] was established was also groundbreaking[115]. It was among the first hospitals in Britain to start an outpatient appointment system[116]. These appointments were a full hour (probably based on the Freudian model)[117], private, punctual[118] and always with the same doctor[119].
All of this was in marked contrast to then prevailing out-patient services to the poor[120].
The Tavi soon became a victim of its own success. Patients paid just five shillings or whatever they could afford (which was sometimes nothing at all)[121]. As patient numbers grew so did the financial problems and this is in spite of the fact the medical staff were working part-time and unpaid[122],[123]. Between 1920 and 1939 there were only two years where the revenue account did not show a deficit[124].
At the start of each fiscal year they needed to clear the overdraft, before they could even think of finding the funds for their current work[125]. In the early days Hugh Crichton-Miller paid the Clinic’s running expenses out of his own pocket[126].
In 1926[127] JR (as everybody called him) [128],[129] was appointed Deputy Medical Director[130],[131],[132] and devoted far more than his ‘maximum part-time’ energies into building the Tavi into Britain’s most important centre for the study of holistic medicine[133].
In the early days circulars were sent to medical professionals explaining the aims of the Tavistock Clinic and appealing for funds and patients (both were forthcoming)[134]. As early as 1923, JR went to the US to attend the first international congress for mental health, where he presented to an international professional gathering[135]. He gathered the great and the good into roles as Vice-Presidents, or onto the Executive Committee (or Council) and Medical Advisory Board[136].
But it was when they decided that they needed a new premises that JR came into his own, working with Muriel Payne on the Extension Committee[137]. Funds were raised from all manner of sources: donations, special benefit performances in the theatre, grants from Sunday cinemas[138]. Already JR was conceiving of the Tavistock as a developing school for psychotherapy and related mental-health disciplines[139]. To this aim he began to use the name: Tavistock Institute of Medical Psychology[140]. On 5 August 1929 the Tavistock Medical Institute of Psychology was formally constituted as a non-profit-making, charitable body[141], with donations for the Institute of Medical Psychology being recorded in the annual report for 1929 to 1930[142].
By 1931 the Institute of Medical Psychology had raised sufficient funds to purchase premises in what used to be Shoolbred Stables, at the corner of Torrington Place and Malet Place, WCI[143]. This disused building was adapted for their use by the architect Graham Dawbarn[144], and in 1932 they moved into a modern and well-furnished building[145],[146] as the Tavistock Institute of Medical Psychology[147].
They now had an adequate number of fair-sized consulting-rooms, a large lecture hall that seated several hundred people, a library where they could also hold small seminars and committee meetings, and a refectory[148],[149].
The new name and location near University College London was part of JR’s strategy to gain university recognition for their courses and develop the Tavi as a centre for teaching. Unfortunately, Hugh Crichton-Miller did not wholly agree with this direction and resigned as Director in 1933[150],[151].
JR Rees was very keen to develop the educational side of the Tavi. The move to Malet Place in the heart of the University of London and the change of name were part of a strategy to develop and consolidate this side of the Clinic’s business. Things came to a head when Hugh Crichton-Miller blocked some proposals from the Medical Committee about the educational scheme[152], concerning teaching methods and content[153]. This was specifically a proposal from HV Dicks, representing a group of younger staff including Alan Marby, Mary Luff, Wilfred Bion and Isobel Wilson[154]. Dicks wanted to bring in JA Hadfield as a ‘Director of Training, a sort of embryonic Dean’[155]. The next day Hugh Crichton-Miller resigned as Director[156]. He retained a nominal position, but remained very much in the background[157] until his final resignation in 1941[158],[159].
JR assumed the leadership of the Tavi as Medical Director in 1933[160],[161],[162],[163]. This gave full scope for the exercise of his gift for institutional development, public relations and firing the enthusiasm of his collaborators[164]. 1932 to 1939 was the Tavi’s greatest period of expansion in treatment, training, external lecture courses and in numbers of staff and trainees[165].
An early success for the JR Rees was gaining the patronage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, the youngest son of King George V, who on 26 June 1934 agreed to become President of the Institute of Medical Psychology[166]. This patronage by the Duke of Kent was hugely significant at the time and represented the Tavi’s ‘arrival’ on the social scene[167]. It also represented a significant change in public awareness of the issue of mental health[168].
Another success was the development of the education programme. In 1935 JA Hadfield was appointed as Director of Studies[169]. He immediately established a course for doctors wanting to take up psychotherapy[170]. This two year training course consisted of lectures, tutorial classes, and the personal treatment of cases with supervision[171]. It was also an important step that the Tavi received academic recognition from the University of London for its post-graduate Diploma in Psychological Medicine[172]. As well as the academic work, there was a wide programme of public lectures the highlight of which was a week of lectures by Carl Jung[173].
The major achievements of JR Rees were the consolidation of the Tavi as a school for psychotherapy, that trained large numbers of psychiatrists[174], a ten-fold rise in treatment attendances[175] and the development of the multi-professional approach (where psychologists, social workers and general physicians were worked together in ‘holistic’ teams)[176]. Under his directorship the Tavi received two major research grants in psychosomatic medicine[177].
The Tavi continued to grow and by 1939 JR Rees had developed plans for a more academic Institute of Medical Psychology[178]. A site at the junction of Store Street[179] and Ridgmount Gardens in Bloomsbury had been bought[180], but these plans were interrupted by the start of World War 2[181]. The Tavi was evacuated out to Westfield Women’s College in Hampstead[182],[183] and most of its records went to Store Street[184].
In April of 1939 JR Rees was approached to have his name put forward as consultant psychiatrist to the Army at Home[185], responsible for the mental health of approximately 3 million people[186]. He quickly enlisted the help of colleagues from the Tavi researching the whole problem of Army psychiatry, with Emanuel Miller producing a survey of what had been done in World War 1[187].
At the Tavi, however, things were not going smoothly. In the summer of 1939, with war imminent, the Tavi experienced a major decline in work[188]. This led to cash flow problems and JR Rees was advised by the Chairman of Finance that the Tavistock Clinic should be declared bankrupt[189]. JR Rees decided on another course of action: he transferred the Tavistock account to another bank where he could get a higher overdraft and by the time the paperwork caught up he had been able to stave off closing the Tavi[190].
Once appointed JR Rees took the rank of Brigadier[191],[192] and was based at the Royal Army Medical College[193]. On the day that war broke out the found himself the only Army psychiatrist available at Home. JR quickly realised that he would need more help. He also quickly came to an understanding that the army had a standard three stage response to any new proposition: ‘(1) It isn’t necessary, (2) It can’t be done, and, (3) when it is done, of course – it’s just common sense!’[194]
In Spring of 1940 JR Rees’s team started work[195]: Ronald Hargreaves, ATM Wilson, Edward Bennet, Wilfred Bion, Leonard Browne, Henry Dicks, Robert Barbour, Ferguson Rodger and Emanuel Miller[196]. More than half of them had medals from World War 1, with two of them having being decorated for gallantry[197]. This experience gave them high standing and credibility in the Army.
This core group was later joined by: Jack Pearce, Eric Wittkower, John Rickman, Mary Luff, Alex Kennedy and John Bowlby among others[198]. Later in the war the psychiatrists under JR Rees would privately call themselves the ‘invisible college’[199].
JR Rees impact on Army psychiatry was ‘a story of brilliant innovation’[200]. He set out to build the Army into an effective group of men who could win the war and to do this he was immediately concerned with morale, the best possible placement of men and prophylactic measures for mental health in the field[201].
First, however, he needed his men to understand the military, how the Army lived and worked[202]. Any psychiatrist coming from civilian life was attached to a combat unit for six weeks, with no medical duties, to learn about the culture and conditions of Army life[203].
By the time JR Rees had his team in place it was already late to be working on the selection of men. In terms of conscription the British military ran a strict pecking order: the Royal Navy had first pick, the Royal Airforce the second pick, Civil Defence the third and the Army took all that was left[204]. Consequently there was a large number of unsuitable people in the Army[205].
What Rees recognised was that if a man’s intelligence was too low or too high for a particular job it created a situation of stress[206]. He believed that in the Army a psychiatrist could be far more effective by promoting prophylactic procedures than through diagnosis and therapy[207]. The job of selection fell to Hargreaves[208], who became Rees’s Assistant Director[209]. On his own initiative and at his own expense Hargreaves introduced basic intelligence testing to eliminate ‘unsuitable and inadequate men’ who were likely to have discipline problems and desertion[210]. The first thing that he did was to remove ‘backward men’ from active duty and to move them to the Pioneer Corps where they did manual work[211]. Then he introduced the Pulhems system for grading men from the Canadian Army[212]. This looked at: physique (upper limbs, lower limbs, hearing and eyesight), mentality and stability, then matched them to particular jobs[213]. Later in the war this was added to by looking at childhood background to identify people who would be likely to break down[214].
Senior officers in the Army disliked psychiatrists, nicknaming them ‘trick cyclists’[215],[216]. So it was not always easy to get them to accept these innovations. By 1941 the Army were having trouble finding officers. Until then officer selection was done by small interview boards of older officers, who knew the ‘right type’ from public schools and university[217]. Unfortunately, there were not enough of this ‘type’ and the Army found itself hopelessly at sea when faced with recruits from other backgrounds.
HV Dicks through his connections with Military Intelligence obtained a document on the methods the Nazis had introduced for officer selection[218],[219]. Rees and Hargreaves initiated their own experiments, which eventually resulted in War Office Selection Boards, which chose men based on personality and character[220]. John Bowlby then demonstrated the superiority of this method by showing that statistically it reduced the failure rate of officers from 45% to 15%[221].
As well as improving selection the ‘invisible college’ set to work on improving training. Their methods became known as ‘battle inoculation’[222]. This involved contributing to mental stability and battle worthiness[223]; gradually introducing new soldiers to the sights and sounds of battle, showing them that they would not be hurt by the noise of explosions and that they could safely lie in a slit trench and have a tank go over them[224].
Another major area of work was morale. Research quickly showed that high sickness rates were almost invariably associated with poor morale[225]. A range of materials was developed to combat this, ranging from films shown during basic training to set expectations[226], through to current affairs material that officers could use to initiate discussions[227].
This work on morale led to work with returning soldiers, such as that at Northfield, where Rees’s staff began to examine the relation between man and management, qualities of authority and training, and morale[228]. From these studies of disaffection and demoralisation under stress, often the result of boredom rather than combat, emerged the concepts of institutional (or industrial) behaviour[229].
Work was also done studying and influencing the morale of the enemy[230],[231]. Led by HV Dicks psychiatrists interrogated prisoners of war and used statistical analysis to build up a picture of morale, political attitudes and personality types[232],[233]. This research was then used to create more effective propaganda, for example between D-day and the German surrender almost 1,000 tons of leaflets were dropped on Germany a month[234]. For these achievements, JR Rees was created CBE and received many awards[235] and after the war the Army psychiatric service endowed a J.R. Rees prize[236].
JR Rees[237] and HV Dicks also had the secret duty of looking after Rudolf Hess[238] and Rees also saw other members of the Nazi hierarchy before the Nuremburg trials[239]. This study of Nazism fed into the work after World War 2 to promote democratic values in the occupied countries during post-war reconstruction[240].
At the end of the war JR Rees and his team returned to the Tavi, but the situation was very different. Both Malet Street[241] and Store Street[242] had been destroyed during the Blitz. The Tavi had lost its home, most of its records, most of its library and had stopped most of its training[243]. The Store Street site which was intended to house an expanded Tavi had been sold to pay off debts and keep the Tavi afloat[244]. Although during the war the work of the Tavi had continued along the lines of the pre-war years[245], the end of the war brought a sea change.
The returning staff with their experience in the Army came back with a very different agenda. The organisation of the Tavi had to change and they didn’t want to wait for their Director to return from his military duties. An Interim Medical Committee was elected by the whole of the staff[246]. The Clinic moved to a new building at 2 Beaumont Street[247]. Wilfred Bion was unanimously elected Chair[248]. ‘Operation Phoenix’ was put into action[249]. New staff were co-opted from the military, including Eric Trist[250] and Jock Sutherland[251], followed by John Bowlby[252] and John Rickman[253].
The work with returning soldiers and prisoners of war that JR Rees had overseen during the war became a design for social or community psychiatry[254]. The ‘invisible college’ had studied the relation between management, qualities of authority, training, and morale[255]. From these studies there emerged concepts of institutional behaviour that were to be a central field of activity of a new division called the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations[256],[257].
The suddenness and the nature of these changes led to numerous resignations by the ‘old’ staff of the Tavi[258]. By the end of 1946 it became clear to JR Rees that he was no longer the effective head of the Tavistock Clinic and in 1947 he resigned as Medical Director[259],[260],[261].
During the Second World War JR Rees had become a medical statesman[262]. After leaving the Tavi he took over the organisation of the great 1948 International Congress for Mental Health in London[263] and presided over the event itself[264]. During this event the World Federation for Mental Health was founded and JR Rees, was elected first as President[265],[266], and then later appointed Director General[267],[268].
They established offices at 19 Manchester Street.. The World Federation for Mental Health initially had 22 member associations[269]. By their second meeting this had grown to 51[270]. By the time JR Rees retired in 1962[271] this had risen to 134 member associations around the world and he had personally visited 104 of them[272].
In 1954 while accompanying JR Rees on a visit to Toronto for the World Federation for Mental Health his wife, Mary Hemingway Rees, became ill and noticed a lump on her liver[273]. When she returned to England it was confirmed that she had a tumour and that October she went into University College Hospital for an operation, during which she died without regaining consciousness[274].
While he was Director General of the World Federation for Mental Health further honours came to Rees at home and abroad. He was made an Honorary Member of the Royal Medico-Psychological Association, and its Maudsley Lecturer (1956)[275]. Countless national Associations for psychiatry and neurology made him honorary fellow, including the American Psychiatric Association, before which he gave the Adolf Meyer Lecture in 1961, and the Academic Lecture in 1958[276].
In 1962 Rees gave up the strenuous post with the World Federation. He retired, with a modest income, to write and resume his long-interrupted private practice[277].
He published the following books: The Health of the Mind (1929 with several editions), Introduction to Psychological Medicine (with RG Gordon and Noel Harris, 1936), The Shaping of Psychiatry by War; Reflections (1966), he also edited The Case of Rudolf Hess (1947) and Modern Practice in Psychological Medicine (1949).
J.R. died at his home on 11 April 1969.[278]
Author: Glenn Gossling 2019
Bibliography
JR Rees, ‘Some problems in family adjustment’, In EV Erleigh (ed), The mind of the growing child, Faber & Gwyer 1928
JR Rees, The Health of the Mind, Faber and Faber, 1929
JR Rees, ‘Psychotherapeutic clinics’ in M Culpin, Recent advances in the study of psychoneurosis, Churchill 1931
JR Rees, RG Gordon and Noel Harris, Introduction to Psychological Medicine, Oxford University Press, 1936
JR Rees, The Shaping of Psychiatry by War, Chapman and Hall, 1945
JR Rees (edit), The Case of Rudolf Hess, Norton, 1948
JR Rees (edit), Modern Practice in Psychological Medicine, Butterworth, 1949
JR Rees, The adolescent in the changing Caribbean: proceedings of the Third Caribbean Conference for Mental Health, 1961
JR Rees, Reflections, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
Footnotes
[1] ‘Obituary, J.R. Rees’, British Medical Journal, p253, volume 2, 26 June 1969
[2] JR Rees, Reflections, p3, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[3] JR Rees, Reflections, p3, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[4] Royal College of Physicians, ‘Lives of the fellows, John Rawlings Rees’, http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3726, 1 April 2019
[5] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[6] JR Rees, Reflections, p3, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[7] JR Rees, Reflections, p3, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[8] JR Rees, Reflections, p4, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[9] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[10] JR Rees, Reflections, p5, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[11] ‘Obituary, J.R. Rees’, British Medical Journal, p253, volume 2, 26 June 1969
[12] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[13] JR Rees, Reflections, p5, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[14] ‘Obituary, J.R. Rees’, British Medical Journal, p253, volume 2, 26 June 1969
[15] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[16] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[17] JR Rees, Reflections, p6, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[18] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[19] JR Rees, Reflections, p6, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[20] JR Rees, Reflections, p7, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[21] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[22] JR Rees, Reflections, p9, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[23] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[24] JR Rees, Reflections, p10, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[25] JR Rees, Reflections, p10, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[26] JR Rees, Reflections, p10, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[27] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[28] Royal College of Physicians, ‘Lives of the fellows, John Rawlings Rees’, http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3726, 1 April 2019
[29] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[30] JR Rees, Reflections, p11, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[31] JR Rees, Reflections, p11, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[32] JR Rees, Reflections, p11, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[33] JR Rees, Reflections, p11, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[34] JR Rees, Reflections, p11, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[35] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[36] Royal College of Physicians, ‘Lives of the fellows, John Rawlings Rees’, http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3726, 1 April 2019
[37] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[38] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[39] JR Rees, Reflections, p12, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[40] JR Rees, Reflections, p12, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[41] JR Rees, Reflections, p13, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[42] JR Rees, Reflections, p13, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[43] JR Rees, Reflections, p13, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[44] JR Rees, Reflections, p13, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[45] JR Rees, Reflections, p13, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[46] JR Rees, Reflections, p14, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[47] JR Rees, Reflections, p15, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[48] Royal College of Physicians, ‘Lives of the fellows, John Rawlings Rees’, http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3726, 1 April 2019
[49] HV Dicks, ‘John Rawlings Rees’, Royal College of Physicians, https://history.rcplondon.ac.uk/inspiring-physicians/john-rawlings-rees downloaded 10 Jan 2020
[50] Royal College of Physicians, ‘Lives of the fellows, John Rawlings Rees’, http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3726, 1 April 2019
[51] ‘Obituary, J.R. Rees’, British Medical Journal, p253, volume 2, 26 June 1969
[52] JR Rees, Reflections, p15, The United States Committee of the World Mental health Federation, 1966
[53] ‘Obituary, John Rawling Rees’, The Lancet, volume 1, p844, 19 April 1969
[54] Royal College of Physicians, ‘Lives of the fellows, John Rawlings Rees’, http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3726, 1 April 2019
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